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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune trading camels and gold. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces control around 50% of Sudan.

Seizing Power in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his supporters for his tenacity and his promise to tear down the corrupt state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that spans the Chad-Sudan border region.

Born around 1974, as is common in remote regions, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma, his family relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.

Early Career

After leaving school in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, ignored by the government of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed raided villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, among them 36 children.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Calculated Moves

After the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

At one point he rebelled, requesting unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Later, when rival militias rebelled, Hemedti commanded government forces that defeated them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir.

Quickly, his family company al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Formalizing Power

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained formal status as head of the new paramilitary group, answering only to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba region, and accepted a contract to police the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's officers also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, beginning a close relationship with Emirati leadership.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti formed an alliance with the Russian Wagner organization, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in gold.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but this was short-lived.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which committed massacres, raped women, and reportedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF committed atrocities.

Under foreign pressure, the military and civil leaders reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.

Ongoing War

When a committee started looking into military-owned companies, the two generals ousted the government and took control.

However, they disagreed. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

In April 2023, RSF units moved to surround key bases in the capital. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and violence broke out city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it genocide.

Current Status

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against army positions and critical for the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a rival administration, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now controls almost all populated areas west of the Nile.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations committed by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may become a political puppet master, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in al-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a global community that overlooks.